On September 9, 2025, the Middle East once again found itself in the midst of significant turmoil. Israel's air force carried out a surprise attack on Doha, the capital of Qatar, firing over a dozen missiles aimed at Hamas' political leaders. The attack was swift and precise, with Israeli jets crossing into Qatari airspace from Saudi Arabia, avoiding conventional flight paths. The target was a government building in the heart of Doha, where the bombs took down five mid-ranking Hamas officials, including a family member of a key negotiator and a Qatari security officer. Though Hamas' top leadership managed to escape, the strike marked a dramatic escalation, with tensions in the region reaching new heights. While Israel claimed the operation was aimed solely at Hamas, it had, in effect, brought the conflict to Qatar's doorstep, a nation that holds a pivotal strategic position in the Middle East and hosts thousands of U.S. military personnel. The Patriot missile defense systems Qatar had purchased from the U.S. did not seem to respond. In fact, the skies were cleared of aircraft a full 20 minutes before the missiles hit, leading many to suspect that the attack was carefully planned.
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The U.S. was slow to react, only confirming the attack minutes after it had occurred. In response, Qatar's Ministry of Foreign Affairs swiftly condemned Israel, accusing it of violating international law and pointed fingers at the U.S. for failing to inform them about the operation beforehand. There were even rumors circulating that Qatar might suspend its $10 billion deal to purchase 210 Boeing aircraft from the U.S. However, investigations later revealed that this was mostly speculation stirred by public outrage following the airstrike. Nonetheless, Qatar's anger was understandable. After all, no one enjoys having their country bombed, particularly when they were actively mediating ceasefire talks for Gaza. The attack not only targeted Hamas but also threw the entire balance of the Gulf region into disarray.
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Just a few days after the strike, Egypt began to take action. By around September 15, the Egyptian military ramped up activity in the Sinai Peninsula, positioning newly purchased Chinese-made HQ-9B long-range air defense systems along the front lines. This was the first time Egypt had deployed Chinese equipment in such a sensitive area. The Sinai Peninsula is located right next to Gaza and faces Israel’s southern border. Israeli jets flying south toward Gaza would need to pass through this region. The HQ-9B, with its long range and broad detection capabilities, was more than capable of tracking conventional fighters like the F-15 and F-16, and even the stealthy F-35 would have to think twice before flying with external weapons attached. Egypt's positioning of the defense systems was no accident; it was placed strategically on high ground near the Rafah crossing, giving it the ability to cover Israel’s air corridors.While Egypt and Israel signed a peace treaty in 1979 that limits military activity in Sinai, Egypt has exempted itself from these restrictions under the guise of counterterrorism, allowing it to station over 40,000 troops in the area. The deployment of the HQ-9B was a clear message to Israel: Egypt had drawn a red line over Israel’s air superiority. In response, Israel’s Foreign Ministry swiftly summoned Egypt’s ambassador to lodge a formal protest, arguing that the move violated the peace agreement. Egypt, however, stood firm, with its Ministry of Foreign Affairs claiming that the deployment was entirely legal and purely defensive, a necessary step to maintain regional stability. This issue quickly became a hot topic in Middle Eastern media, with some suggesting that Egypt was making a statement against American-made defense systems, pointing to Qatar's experience with the U.S.-supplied Patriot missile system, which had failed to intercept the Israeli missiles. Egypt had already been diversifying its arms purchases for several years, and the HQ-9B was just one step in that direction. The deployment was, in effect, a demonstration that reliance on American military equipment wasn’t always the best option.
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But Egypt wasn’t finished yet. At the Arab-Islamic Summit in Doha, held in mid-September, Egypt proposed a bold new idea: the formation of an Arab version of NATO, a collective defense mechanism where all Arab nations would come to each other's aid if one were attacked. The idea was modeled after NATO’s principle of collective defense, where an attack on one country is considered an attack on all. Egypt suggested that it could contribute 20,000 troops to form the backbone of this alliance. The proposal was well-received by many, especially considering the recent airstrike in Qatar, which had made Arab nations realize that they could no longer afford to act alone. Egypt had the strongest military in the region, while the Gulf countries had the financial resources, making the timing seem right for such an initiative. However, when the proposal was put forward, Qatar and the UAE quickly blocked it, citing concerns about sovereignty and not wanting to be tied to Egypt’s strategic vision. The summit’s final communiqué only mentioned increased coordination but made no mention of a joint military force. Egypt’s Foreign Minister, Sameh Shoukry, had to explain after the summit that the proposal was for the security of the Arab world, but it was clear that the Gulf states were not in agreement.
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The reason for this reluctance is rooted in several issues. First, there’s the problem of military equipment. Most Arab nations’ militaries rely heavily on American weapons. Egypt’s ground forces, for instance, are equipped with American-made M1A1 tanks, and its air force is largely dependent on F-16s, which are maintained using American parts. In July 2025, the U.S. approved a $4.7 billion package of NASAMS air defense systems for Egypt, but these systems still rely on U.S. control and oversight, meaning that Egypt could face the same issues that Qatar encountered if the U.S. decided to pull the strings. In the past, Egypt had attempted to purchase Chinese J-10 fighter jets to replace its aging F-16s, but the U.S. put pressure on Egypt to abandon that plan, forcing them to spend billions upgrading their existing fleet. Saudi Arabia is similarly dependent on U.S. systems for its air force, and the same can be said for Qatar, the UAE, and Kuwait. These nations have invested heavily in American equipment but often feel insecure because of the potential for U.S. interference in their operations. Egypt’s introduction of the HQ-9B was a small step toward diversifying its military supply, but to fully replace American systems would require time and money.Then there’s the presence of U.S. military bases throughout the region. Countries like Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and others host significant numbers of U.S. personnel and equipment. For example, Egypt has the Mastaura Air Force Base, Saudi Arabia has the Khobar Al-Batin base, and Qatar hosts the massive Al-Udeid Air Base. In July 2025, Saudi Arabia deployed its first THAAD missile defense system, costing $15 billion for six units, all operated by the U.S. military. While THAAD is effective against short- and medium-range missiles, it’s controlled by the U.S., and during the 2025 Iranian missile attack on Israel, U.S. forces in Saudi Arabia had to deploy interceptors while the Saudis could do nothing. During the attack on Qatar, Israel’s missiles passed through Saudi airspace without being intercepted by THAAD, but when the Houthis launched hypersonic missiles at Saudi targets, THAAD was activated. This perceived favoritism has led to growing frustration among Arab nations, but the agreements with the U.S. mean that challenging American influence would be extremely risky.
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Egypt’s ideas are bold and ambitious, but the practical realities of military dependencies and alliances, along with the deep presence of U.S. forces, make it unlikely that the proposed changes will come to fruition anytime soon.
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